Make America Great Again Meme Flag Bearer

Abstract

Internet memes are the most pervasive and malleable class of digital popular culture (Wiggins 2019: 7). They are a way 'a gild expresses and thinks of itself' (Denisova 2019: 2) used 'for the purpose of satire, parody, critique …to posit an argument' (Wiggins 2019, encounter also Ponton 2021, this result). The acts of viewing, creating, sharing and commenting on memes that criticise or 'troll' authority figures have become 'central to our political processes… becom[ing] one of the most important forms of political participation and activism today' (Merrin 2019: 201). All the same, memes do non communicate to united states in logical arguments, but emotionally and affectively through brusk quips and images that entertain. Memes are 'part of a new politics of affectivity, identification, emotion and humour' (Merrin 2019: 222). In this newspaper, nosotros examine not simply what politics memes communicate to us, only how this is done. We analyse memes, some in mainstream social media circulation, that praise and criticise the authoritarian tendencies of former United states President Donald Trump, taken from 4Chan, a home of many alt-right ideas. Through a Multimodal Disquisitional Discourse Studies arroyo, we demonstrate how images and lexical choices in memes do non communicate to us in logical, well-structured arguments, but lean on affective and emotional discourses of racism, nationalism and power. Equally such, though memes accept the potential to emotionally engage with their intended audiences, this is done at the expense of communicating nuanced and detailed information on political players and bug. This works against the ideal of a public sphere where debate and give-and-take inform political decisions in a population, essential pillars of a autonomous society (Habermas 1991).

Keywords

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i. Introduction

Since the Paleolithic Era when humans dwelt in caves, withal imagery has been an integral part of how we communicate (Clottes 2019). Thousands of years later, modern media such as newspapers depend on images. These are 'instrumental in making meaning' based on a deep-seated societal belief that 'the sense of a technical, dispassionate betoken of view afforded by the camera continues to exist central to journalistic authority' (Allbeson & Allan 2019: 70–71). Despite our historical love of notwithstanding imagery, zippo compares in book to the daily deluge of images we now experience online. It is estimated we took over 1.two trillion photographs in 2017 and we share more than 3 billion images every day (Lavoie 2018). Memes are an integral part of our social media appointment with imagery.

On social media, though we view 'hard' news and political commentary, studies show nosotros prefer amusement that communicates to the states affectively equally well as cognitively (Boyd 2008). This notion is not lost on political communication scholars, many of whom 'acknowledg[east] that the historical separation of entertainment and news is obsolete…' (Esralew & Young 2012: 338). Social media users engage in 'scroll culture', where we are guided by our thumbs, skimming, reading, liking and commenting on a abiding menstruation of artefacts that entertain and inform. Though much of this is considered 'mundane', on closer exam information technology is highly ideological (Way 2021a, 2021b). It is precisely through (digital) pop culture where we most experience politics 'equally fun, as manner, and simply equally office of the taken for granted everyday earth… [though these] are infused by and shaped past, power relations and ideologies' (Machin 2013: 347). Using the case study of memes virtually sometime US President Donald Trump, this newspaper considers what politics memes offer us and how these communicate to u.s.a. emotionally and affectively in our insatiable search to be informed and entertained.

2. Memes, politics and bear on

The term 'meme', coined past biologist Richard Dawkins (1976), refers to the way we pass on 'cultural information and ideas between individuals and generations', like to the way genes are passed on betwixt generations. Nevertheless, this concept is inadequate when considering internet memes (future 'memes'). It is better to consider memes as remixes and iterations, viral texts that mutate and replicate and are readily transformed and contradistinct by purposeful human agency, with mutation being desirable and ofttimes unavoidable (Denisova 2019, Wiggins 2019).

Memes entertain the states, though they are more than but a laugh. They are a way 'a club expresses and thinks of itself', where '"everyday" media texts intertwine with public discourses' (Milner 2012: nine; Denisova 2019: two). Throughout the 1990s-2000s, memes went from an entertaining 'geek' civilisation in-joke to a mainstream gimmick and 'the means of political and social deliberation' (Denisova 2019: 10). They are manipulated texts produced and distributed 'for the purpose of satire, parody, critique… to posit an argument, visually, in order to commence, extend, counter, or influence a discourse' (Wiggins 2019: xi). Memes are an integral part of 'trolling culture', as defined past Merrin (2019). Here, we are not referring to 'splenetic attacks… whose hate speech, and rape and expiry threats… are ruining the internet [because] their corruption and hatred are serious' (Merrin 2019: 202). Much of this behaviour has been chastised as an 'anti-social personality disorder' (Bishop 2013) used by those who take reward of 'toxic disinhibition' of anonymous, online communication to limited their anger (Suler 2005: 184). Instead, this newspaper considers trolling more broadly, based on the line-fishing term to elevate a 'baited line behind a boat to see what could be caught' (Merrin 2019: 202). In this sense, memes are a office of a 'sport' that ridicules 'those who become above themselves, or set themselves above others – at those asserting, or in, authority' (Merrin 2019: 202). This activity is 'central to our political processes, spreading through the mainstream to get one of the most important forms of political participation and activism today, employed by politicians, political commentators and the public alike' (Merrin 2019: 201).

Memes influence viewers' awareness of people, issues and events and connect mainstream media topics with social media users. This is axiomatic in the 2016 United states election campaign, when memes 'highlighted and promoted the trending discourses around both candidates' (Denisova 2019: 186). They are constructive because they are short, snappy, entertaining and express a item point of view through humour. They serve as 'listen-bombs', a term coined and good by Greenpeace co-founder Bob Hunter, by distributing a symbolic text that expresses an thought in a nutshell and has an emotional affect (Weyler 2020). When used strategically, they 'help attract attention to political bug and propose culling interpretations' (Denisova 2019: 195). They are a fashion to understand and question concepts, identities and claims made past diverse political groups.

Despite the power ascribed to memes by some scholars, their limits are also recognised. Their political ability lie in their ability to accost and entreatment to specific groups of political actors with particular views in society. In other words, memes tend to 'appeal to an already-existing attitude, assumption, prejudice, fear, bespeak of pride, conspiracy theory, value etc. to achieve salience in a given group' (Wiggins 2019: 64). Phillips (2009) demonstrates this through his exam of the Obama Joker meme. Here, he finds this meme was used and manipulated by various groups to express a number of sometimes opposing political views. The political potential of memes are partly determined through acceptance past and incorporation into a group or community and this is limited, dependent on offline social relations and activities including people talking nearly and discussing memes (Wiggins 2019). Their power is also dependent on whether or non audiences indeed read memes every bit their producers want from a 'preferred reading position'. Furthermore, their power lies in whether audiences are able to successfully reference real-world events represented in the meme, besides as the media texts and formats memes copy, parody and/ or dispense.

A dominant characteristic of memes is they practise non communicate to us in logical well-structured arguments, but emotionally and affectively (Denisova 2019, Merrin 2019, Wiggins 2019, Style 2021а). Though both concepts are intricately linked, affect is non emotion, but 'provides and amplifies intensity [of emotion] by increasing our sensation of a sure mind or body state that we, as adults, acquire to label as a item feeling and express every bit a given emotion' (Papacharissi 2015: 309). And so, affect, in brusk, is the intensity in which we experience emotion. By communicating to us affectively and emotionally, memes reduce and simplify political facts and arguments. They are 'another motility away' from rational, communicative contend, 'function of a new politics of affectivity, identification, emotion and humour' (Merrin 2019: 222). This paper reveals how memes communicate to us on these affective and emotional levels.

3. Absolutism and Trump

In mainstream media, Trump has been criticised for beingness too authoritarian by some, whilst existence praised for being a 'strong man' by others. Authoritarianism consists of three core components which are (1) 'security confronting risks of instability and disorder', (2) 'group conformity to preserve conventional traditions and guard our way of life' and (3) 'loyal obedience toward strong leaders who protect the group and its customs' (Norris & Inglehart 2019: 7). It is straight linked to the 'politics of fearfulness' (see besides Ozyumenko & Larina 2021, this issue) where in that location is a search for collective security of a ascendant grouping, unremarkably referred to as 'our people' confronting 'them', at the expense of personal freedoms. Our people tin be defined in terms of nationality and citizenship, or more locally equally in-groups based on race, faith, ethnicity, location, generation, party, gender, or sex activity (Zappettini 2019; 2021). In whatsoever of these forms, absolutism values group loyalty, shared cultural meanings and feelings of belonging (Norris & Inglehart 2019: 7).

Authoritarianism becomes more than dangerous when information technology is mixed with populism where populists 'pretend to speak for the underdog ['the people'] whose political identity is constructed by opposing it to an elite' (De Cleen & Carpentier 2010: 180). Nonetheless, dependent on context, who are defined every bit 'the people' and 'the elite' is fluid. Authoritarian-populist politicians tell us that in order to defend 'us' we need to restrict 'them'. This toxic combination results in policies that justify the restriction of immigrants, refugees, aviary seekers, and foreigners. At the time of writing, authoritarianism-populist politicians and parties had gained power in a number of states including the United states, Austria, Italia, kingdom of the netherlands, Poland, Turkey and Switzerland. In other states, they concur sway, including UKIP and the Brexit Political party in catalysing and influencing Brexit (Norris & Inglehart 2019: i). Much praise and criticism about Trump in the media are in terms of authoritarianism. Though some mainstream media criticise Trump for being too authoritarian, some
right-wing media gloat this (Merrin 2019, Way 2021а).

Trump'south style of governance may hands be considered authoritarian-populist as defined above. He 'uses populist rhetoric to legitimize his style of governance, while promoting authoritarian values that threaten the liberal norms underpinning American democracy' (Norris & Inglehart 2019: iii). He and his supporters have attacked the 'the liberal press and their ideals of belongings authorisation to account' (Happer, Hoskins & Merrrin 2019: 15). All the while, he calls his opponents 'phoney' or 'dopey', labels media and journalists as 'corrupt' or 'false news' while discourses of violence, racism and wider uncivility become the 'new' norms of social and political doing and acting (Krzyżanowski 2020: four). He has become the darling of the alt-right in the United states of america, defined as 'a range of extreme far-right movements and positions broadly unified by their rejection of traditional, mainstream Christian conservativism and republicanism in favour of white nationalism and supremacism' (Merrin 2019: 206).

4. 4Chan

4Chan is i of a number of websites that have become platforms to communicate alt-correct ideas (Happer, Hoskins & Merrin 2019: xiii). Gear up by Christopher Poole in 2003, 4Chan consists of united nations-archived, subject-based boards with anonymous postings. Information technology was 'part of the anything goes, libertarian culture of the internet, but its desire to shock and migrate to the right would eventually make it and Reddit key sites for the alt-right' (Happer, Hoskins & Merrin 2019: thirteen). It is '[t]he modern online dwelling house of trolling and the spirit of chaos… the must-encounter, cess-pit of the net: as Obi-Wan Kenobi says (in a quote oft applied to the site): "Yous will never find a more wretched hive of scum and villainy"' (Merrin 2019: 204). Here internet users experience 'gratuitous pornography, misogyny, racism, nigh forms of "phobia", graphic insults, general grossness and maximum offensiveness' (Merrin 2019: 204). Many of the memes that populate our mainstream social media feeds originate from 4Chan, information technology existence 'one of the most creative corners of the web, with its chaos birthing about every major meme or aspect of internet culture over the last decade' (Merrin 2019: 204).

4Chan is non but artistic, but also political. It has run an attack campaign aimed at the Church of Scientology for attempting to conscience content on the internet. It besides aimed its rage at a adult female game designer then other feminist commentators in so-called 'Gamergate'. Here posters presented themselves as underdogs and victims, despite accusations of corruption by 'snowflakes, unicorns and cry bullies'. They pitted themselves against mainstream media and feminism, naming them as both 'impossibly strong' and 'laughably weak' (Lees 2016). Not long after this campaign, 4Chan turned its attention to Trump. At first, his candidacy was seen as a joke, simply and then it rapidly evolved into back up (Merrin 2019). Its support for Trump is not surprising, because 'his politics closely chimed with [4Chan's] the outsider-culture, anti-PC sentiment, racism and misogyny and the claims of post-truth "shitposters"' (Merrin 2019: 208). Links between 4Chan and Trump are more than than but shared political views. Trump and his staff retweeted alt-right videos and images created on 4Chan and 4Chan's memes were function of Trump's entrada to relentlessly tilt sentiment on social media in his favour. As one erstwhile entrada official said: 'He conspicuously won the war confronting Hillary Clinton day after day later twenty-four hour period' (Schreckinger 2017).

4Chan'due south /po/ lath 'is by far the most influential disseminator of memes in terms of the raw number of memes originating from it. In detail, it is more influential in spreading racist and political memes' (De Cristofaro 2018). It delivers an of import youth demographic to the alt-right, playing a key function in attacks on mainstream media, mainstream politics, the culture of political definiteness and Left-wing identity politics. These attacks are evident on 4Chan and in Trump'southward 2016 ballot campaign. In fact, many memes that originate from 4Chan cross over into mainstream platforms such every bit Twitter and Facebook to appeal to 'normies'. It was instrumental in anti-Hillary Clinton campaigns such as Pizzagate and other conspiracy theories. All the same, 4Chan is also a thorn in Trump's side. Despite mainstream media criticising Trump, these actions accept had little event on his supporters, feeding into the narrative of Trump as an outsider. However, memes on 4Chan and other social media platforms have seen vehement responses by Trump and his supporters suggesting 'humour and satire: the same troll-culture that supports Trump and which he incarnates has become ane of the most of import weapons against him' (Merrin 2019: 213).

5. Data

Our study examines a sample of image-based memes of Trump taken from 4Chan's /po/ board in the jump of 2019. This fourth dimension was called to reflect what was in digital circulation about half way through Trump'due south term in office. During this fourth dimension, at that place were countless memes and images existence created, manipulated and circulated in threads well-nigh Trump on 4Chan. This is not surprising, seeing its history of promoting not just Trump, but as well the alt-right. This researcher scanned hundreds of feeds in order to understand how memes expressed ideas about Trump in terms of authoritarianism. Through this authoritarianism prism, four dominant themes about Trump sally. These are: Trump is God-similar, Trump is a powerful leader, Trump is powerful against the media and Trump is not beingness strong enough. In the following analysis, we closely analyse two representative memes from each of these categories to reveal how they articulate discourses of authoritarianism affectively and emotionally.

6. Methodology

Memes we examine are still images and some include written text. We offering a cursory description of posters' comments about the memes nosotros analyse to consider how they were 'read' past posters. Nosotros apply Multimodal Critical Discourse Studies (MCDS) to analyse how lexica and images independently and together articulate discourses. This arroyo has the reward of revealing the way each mode works to articulate discourses 'on a particular occasion, in a item text' (Kress & van Leeuwen 2001: 29; see also Ponton 2016). MCDS finds its origins in Critical Discourse Analysis and Halliday's (1994) functional grammar which assume linguistic and visual choices reveal broader discourses articulated in texts (Kress & van Leeuwen 2001). MCDS draw out the details of how broader discourses are communicated and how the different modes play slightly dissimilar roles (Machin & Mayr 2012). These discourses can be thought of as models of the globe and projection certain social values and ideas which contribute to the (re)production of social life. The aim of analysis is to reveal what kinds of social relations of ability, inequalities and interests are perpetuated, generated or legitimated in texts both explicitly and implicitly (van Dijk 1993).

We examine how participants are represented in our sample texts, an approach used extensively in previous research and shown to be primal to revealing discourses (Wodak et al. 1999, Bishop & Jaworski 2003, Wodak & Weiss 2005). Written lexica is analysed (when role of a meme) by leaning on van Leeuwen (1996 & 1995) and Fairclough'south (2003) seminal piece of work on the representation of social actors. We consider participants in terms of how they are named and how their actions are represented. Here questions such as who does what to whom and how participants are represented in more than agile or passive roles are examined. Though originally applied to written texts, social role player assay is likewise practical to images leaning on the influential work of Kress and van Leeuwen (1996 & 2001) and Machin (2007). These scholars define three broad analytical categories for analysing the visual representation of social actors: Positioning, kinds of participants and deportment. How viewers are symbolically positioned in relation to participants in images through gaze, angle of interaction and distance is considered. These choices have repercussions in terms of representations of power and connotations of engagement with viewers (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). When examining the kinds of participants, we consider whether social actors are represented as individuals or groups, culturally and/ or biologically categorised and who is included and excluded. The representation of action, including process types and agency, acquit with them discourses of power and are an integral function of our visual assay.

Choices in how imagery is organised and composed is too analysed. Here, we consider the internal 'period' or arrangement of an image, salience and the caste of modality suggested in an image. Paradigm organisation, including the positioning of elements and framing, contribute to an image's internal 'period' and carry with information technology ideological meanings (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996). Salience, which connotes importance and power, is expressed through visual devises such as potent cultural symbols, size, color, tone, focus and foregrounding (Machin 2007). Modality is a literary concept associated with the amount of certainty a producer assigns to a text. In visuals, 'modality can exist decreased or increased depending on how much the image departs from how we would have seen the image had we been there' (Machin 2007: 46). Not all of these visual elements are analysed for each meme, just like non all memes include written text. Instead, we use the higher up analytical tools based on their usefulness in revealing discourses near Trump, authoritarianism, emotion and affect.

vii. Analysis

7.1. Memes of God-like powers

One obvious strategy used to correspond Trump as powerful is producing a visual mash up with his head on a mythical graphic symbol's body. 4Chan's God Emperor Trump serial depicts Trump as ruler of the earth, wearing the armour of the immortal character Emperor of Flesh (too known as 'God Emperor' or 'Imperium of Human') from the state of war game Warhammer twoscore,000. According to 'Know your meme' website, these images first appeared on 4Chan on xvi June 2015.

Effigy i is typical of these God Emperor Trump memes that appeared during our research. Trump stands tall. He wears the armour of Emperor of Mankind, culturally categorising Trump as a super-beingness (Machin 2007). Both the vertical and horizontal angle of interactions suggest strength. The camera looks up to Trump connoting great power (Machin 2007). His body also faces the photographic camera, though his face looks off to the side. This connotes that he is not here to appoint with viewers in a demand prototype that connotes interaction betwixt viewer and subject area (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). Instead, he is offered to his viewers, posing to exist admired. Abousnnouga and Machin (2010: 144) examine state of war monuments and observe that almost of the subjects (soldiers) practise not symbolically demand anything of their viewers, but look off to the horizon. This has the significant potential 'of wanting the public to see the soldiers as part of a different world, i of the glory of God… metaphorically [looking] to the time to come and high ideals.' Here Trump gazes in a similar manner, looking thoughtful, full of high ethics, powerful and into the future. Facial expressions are stern and forceful, making clear he is in ability. His caput is small compared to the massive body in the montage. Even so, both head and body are salient connoting importance and power. His body is salient through its size. Simply the meme'due south bulletin of Trump as powerful would be lost on his fans if his caput was difficult to place. Light, focus and color make his caput salient. Furthermore, it is in focus and importantly, the creator of the image has suggested other-worldliness by including what looks like a halo around Trump's head to guide our eyes towards him.

Figure 1. 'God Emperor Trump' image in pro-Trump 4Chan thread

Compositional choices also contribute to Trump's mythical status. At that place is no distinguishable background, only modular shades of golden-red. Here, Emperor God Trump is decontextualised. There is low modality in this prototype, where nosotros do non know where Trump is or what he is doing. Modality markers, including the joint of detail, background and depth, all contribute to how 'real' an image is perceived (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996). Where figures are represented without a background, 'it usually means that the image is symbolic rather than documentary', symbolic rather than descriptive (Machin 2007: 51). Here, this contributes to the notion that this paradigm is less about real power and Trump'due south actions and more than nigh vague, emotive notions or fantasies of Trump's ability experienced past his fans, however ill-divers these are (Machin 2007: 48).

The discourse of power, but not whatsoever real tangible power, is common throughout this series. In feeds with these memes, almost posters express admiration for Trump and disdain for those who do non like him. Accompanying memes two, we see this in posts such every bit 'Dubs confirm Trump is God Emperor. Deplorable Liberals' and 'That's God Emperor of Mankind Trump to you lot, you lowly worm'. In both these posts (and many others) nosotros find an 'us' group of Trump fans, united in their admiration for Trump. 'Dubs' is a personal naming of i fellow member of this grouping, active in confirming Trump's power. This presupposes that Dubs indeed has the authority to confirm, a positive representation of power. Singled-out from this grouping is an 'other' grouping named using the pronoun 'you' above (elsewhere 'them'). This grouping is impersonally and generically named equally 'Liberals' and evaluated negatively in 'you lot lowly worm'. By Dubs proverb 'sorry' to Liberals for Trump's power, the writer presupposes Liberals are saddened by Trump's (keen?) power.

Like the posts, the meme expresses admiration for Trump. Over again, this is not near 'real' political power, like the power to abolish Obamacare, build a wall on the Mexican border, close the borders to Muslims or curtail criticisms in the press. This is symbolic ability, confirming posters' admiration and pride towards Trump and Trump'south America. Similarities between figures one and two include Trump'due south head mashed-upward with the torso of Emperor of Mankind. Both images encounter Trump's head small, still salient through the use of colours, lighting and focus. Low modality through an indistinguishable background is also common, connoting both symbolic power over 'real' power and Trump as a mythical character.

Effigy 2. Symbolic power and nationalism in 'God Emperor Trump' images

Despite similarities, this meme is unlike than the outset 1 nosotros examined. Now potent cultural symbols change the discourse to one of nationalism and power. Salient are reminders of America that tap into fans' national pride. Most salient is the large American flag in focus. Also, an American bald hawkeye sits on Trump's left hand. This national symbol is not free to fly similar the bird in the background of Trump'due south halo, but has been tamed, suggesting information technology has submitted to Trump'southward ability. The America existence promoted hither is Trump's America. On the correct knee of his armour is a face shot of Trump. He looks directly at viewers, enervating our attention and connoting ability (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). He is represented yelling suggesting assailment and ability.

MAGA hats sit on top of Trump'south and the bald hawkeye's heads. This cultural decoration is recognisable worldwide. MAGA, short for 'Make America Great Again', has become synonymous with a globe view associated with Trump that includes controversial perspectives on race, immigration, the environment, politicians, absolutism and even cognition (Makovicky, Tremon, & Zanonai 2019). Part of this outlook is branding Trump as an anarchistic, aggressive politician, symbolised here by the flaming sword with 'Trump' written on the handle. This image is not just about America, only about a style of leadership that is unconventional, disciplinarian and populist. Though imagery such as this connotes great power and suggests authoritarianism, discourses admired by many 4Chan users and expressed in their comments, ability is non 'real' or defined. Equally such, these memes affectively reflect and repeat ascendant discourses on 4Chan, discourses that celebrate Trump'south America, his power and authoritarianism.

seven.2. Trump equally powerful president/ presidential candidate

Trump's power is not merely represented in God-like imagery in our sample. There are more than descriptive representations of Trump'south power, such as being a powerful president and presidential candidate. Figure three is an example used in a thread in June 2019. The feed is made up of insults and bantering amid users near the claim of Trump and his supporters. This image accompanies a post that claims 'Losers lose their shit over how crawly this guy is'. Here we see Trump critics named every bit 'losers' and acting negatively by 'los[ing] their shit'. This very negative representation is opposed to this 'crawly … guy', lexical choices that not merely praise ('awesome'), merely too suggest closeness and being one of 'u.s.a.' by using the friendly colloquial term 'guy'.

Figure three, again we find discourses of ability. This is a close upward head shot, giving viewers a point of identification and making information technology easy for them to symbolically interact with Trump (Machin 2007). He looks directly at the photographic camera, directly addressing viewers and suggesting power (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). A slight smile on his face suggests confidence. Smiles can accept on a variety of meanings depending on context and in some cases 'there may be a kind of grinning that invites us in or allows united states of america to share the joy of a moment' (Machin 2007:111). Here, Trump's smile indicates he wants us to be happy with him, to share in his victory. This is emphasised by the pronoun 'we' instead of 'I' in the accompanying written text. Groups constructed using 'we' in political soapbox are constantly shifting and vague, referring to party, nation, government, residents or other combinations used to serve politicians' purposes (Fairclough 1989: 148). Here, 'we' is not defined, it possibly pregnant Trump and his Republican party, conservatives, or even the alt-right. All the same, what is connoted is Trump is powerful, being central to a winning group of 'we' Trump supporters.

Though in that location is no action represented in the image, Trump is represented strong through cultural categorisation. His suit, white shirt and necktie tell us this is a formal occasion and he is someone to exist respected. The colours of the accompanying writing and surrounding boxes mirror those of the American flag suggesting a national outcome. What has been 'won' is not indicated in the thread or paradigm, though it is likely the meme originally referred to Trump's election in 2016. In whatever circumstance, this is an empowering image. Simply like the images in the previous department, this is more symbolic than existent. The groundwork, over again, gives no clues as to any particular consequence or upshot. The image and context connote no real action and bureau. Trump is not represented doing anything to anybody. Even so, this meme is near his power and 'us' being a office of this, though nothing is defined or quantifiable.

Figure iii. Descriptive representations of Trump's power in 4Chan memes

Trump supporters started the slogan 'Can't Stump the Trump' during his entrada to become the Republican presidential candidate. A Trump supporter first posted the slogan on 4Chan on 15 June 2015. A number of conservative media outlets repeated the phrase and Trump tweeted it on xiii October 2015. The now famous meme that incorporates this slogan (Fig. 4) appears regularly on 4Chan. The slogan implies an oppositional 'you' while the parochial lexical pick of 'stump' suggests informality. As such, Trump's unorthodox populist and confrontational style of politicking is connoted alongside his intellectual prowess. However, with no details or context represented in the slogan, this communicates to its audiences symbolically and affectively rather than in a tangible, descriptive style.

Choices in the paradigm further articulates discourses of Trump every bit a powerful leader of America. Every bit is the case with the previous meme, Trump is salient connoting his importance. Aside from written text, excluded are whatever details of where he is and what he is doing. This is all near Trump. Dissimilar any of the previous images, at that place is no background here further suggesting the image is more symbolic than descriptive (Machin 2007: 34). Trump's head has low modality. That is, 'the image departs from how we would take seen the image had we been there' (Machin 2007: 46). Facial details, such equally wrinkles, blemishes and faults are non nowadays. There is a visual effect applied to the prototype that eliminates these realities and offers us a young, unreal version of Trump's caput. Choosing a youthful-looking version of Trump has more associations with strength than that of an sometime, over-weight human. Power is also connoted by Trump staring at viewers in a demand image, straight addressing his fans. His eyes are wide open as though he is agape of nothing. His forehead slightly leans forward and his chin is tucked in as though he is daring viewers to question his intelligence asserted in the slogan. As seen in the last meme, there is a slight smile, connoting conviction.

Figure four. 'Tin't Stump the Trump' meme on 4Chan

Kress and van Leeuwen (1996: 193) merits that the position of elements in images create 'compositional structures' which take meaning potential. One structure is the 'Triptych' where one element is centrally placed, acting as a mediator between other elements. Within this meme, Trump occupies the eye of the meme surrounded past colours of the American flag. He is literally at the centre of America. This discourse of Trump being an essential part of American nationalism is further articulated in how Trump's proper name is presented in the meme. His name is integrated with the US flag connoting a natural connexion betwixt the two (Machin 2007: 154). In fact, past having Trump's name on pinnacle of the flag, overlapping occurs over again connoting Trump's force and importance in America (Eisner 1985). Kress and van Leeuwen (1996: 193) besides identify the elevation of compositions as the 'platonic', generalisation or simplification of an image. The bottom is the 'real', factual and grounded in the everyday that adds weight and credibility to the ideal. Hither, the ideal is 'can't stump' while 'the Trump' is the factual that adds weight to the ideal. This structure emphasises Trump as unstoppable and clever in the context of ability in America. As such, this appeals to posters' emotions of beingness proud to be a role of Trump's America. What this is missing is any details and specifics most exactly what is this power, who it effects and how.

7.3. Images of Trump's relations with mainstream media

Trump'due south relations with mainstream media are antagonistic at best, well documented and discussed extensively in academia (see Hopper, Hoskin & Merrin 2019). He makes no secret of his dislike for critical media, these being regular targets for his angst in his political rallies and press conferences. This tendency to set on disquisitional mainstream media is aligned with authoritarian notions of loyal obedience toward a strong leader. Trump also shares his critical views on Twitter, including a GIF in 2017 of him body slamming the CNN logo. This GIF resulted in a meme campaign instigated by 4Chan on 5 July 2017 named 'Operation Autism Storm' or the 'Slap-up CNN Meme War'. The campaign urged users to appoint in a meme war with CNN because the network threatened to reveal the identity of the producer of this controversial GIF. 4Chan and Reddit users began spreading anti-CNN images, videos and blithe GIFs, including a contest for the best meme in the 'Bang-up CNN Meme War'. A compilation of these memes, clips and GIFs subsequently appeared on YouTube. Much of this imagery is recycled and appears in feeds on 4Chan.

In this department nosotros examine two memes that originate from the meme state of war. Posters' comments that accompany the memes, such as 'CNN is the fakest news of them all' and 'Destroy CNN by any memes possible', repeat Trump sentiments of acrimony, and frustration at mainstream media. In both memes, Trump is salient. His head, which is mashed on to other characters, is large, light in colour and is in the foreground of the images. Dissimilar memes and images we take analysed thus far, hither Trump is represented interim with agency connoting nifty power (Fairclough 1995: 113). The origins of figure five is the game Mortal Kombat. As is the case with all memes, knowledge of original media contribute to the meanings articulated in memes. This image is part of a fatality sequence in Mortal Kombat in which a character called Liu Kang (Trump here) turns into a dragon and eats the top half of his opponent. In the altered image, the Trump dragon dominates. He is much larger than the CNN character and in the centre of the image, a salient position. His torso is puffed out in a posture that connotes a threat to the CNN grapheme. The horizontal angle of interaction does not allow us to have any symbolic interaction with Trump. This image is offered to us as information available for scrutiny (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 124). We are here to observe his strength. Trump's rima oris is open, yelling, threatening and perchance gear up to swallow his opponent (CNN). His eyed glare down at CNN, again emphasising his acrimony and power. CNN leans dorsum, cowering under his threats. Here representations of power are clear. Represented actions of yelling, threatening and attacking are an emotional metaphor for Trump's actions and relations with mainstream media.

Figure five. Meme of Trump equally Liu Kang from the Mortal Gainsay game

In figure six, Trump again dominates the image. Here, his head is mashed on to the Blob from The Avengers film (2012). In this paradigm, Trump faces us, allowing viewers to witness his anger. The vertical angle of interaction emphasises his strength. In the original motion-picture show, the Hulk fights Loki, a villain. Here Trump'southward head is mashed on to the superhero'southward trunk every bit he holds the villain by the anxiety in a sequence that sees the Hulk physically brutalise Loki. Information technology is a one-sided fight due to the Hulk's enormous strength. Here, the superhero Trump physically brutalises CNN. This show of forcefulness and connotations of who is right and who is wrong would not be lost on viewers, confirming their behavior that mainstream media are wrong, it being 'fake news'. All the while, the meme offers no evidence or context for such assertions, just metaphoric over literal representations of deportment that emphasise power and anger.

Figure 6. Trump as the Blob from The Avengers movie (2012)

seven.4. Criticisms of Trump for not being potent plenty

There is a lot of criticisms of Trump in mainstream media and digital popular culture. Criticism is aimed at a big number of problems including his authoritarian tendencies, his (un)lawful actions, his style of governing and even his policies. Generally, these come from a position that may exist considered more liberal than Trump. However, in our search of 4Chan in 2019, there was a lot of criticism of Trump from the right. He is represented every bit non disciplinarian enough and besides tolerant towards minorities such equally the Gay community, asylum seekers, Jewish people and Israel. In this section, we examine a two-image meme to reveal some of the strategies used to affectively connote praise and criticism nearly Trump'south power.

As noted above, viewers of 4Chan inevitably appoint with racist texts, whether viewing, posting, commenting or creating these (Merrin 2019: 204). This is evident in threads that defend and criticise Trump. Ane common theme during our sample fourth dimension was an anti-Semitic discourse. Accompanying effigy seven, we observe the media is 'Jewish controlled' while YouTube is named 'Jewtube' and Facebook 'Faceberg'. These namings back-trail an array of conspiracy theories where Jewish people are to blame for a whole host of injustices. In the thread that accompanies figure seven, we find some users assault Trump and some defend him. Trump is attacked as beingness weak, represented as following Israel in 'Trump is blind and Netanyahu is guiding him' and 'Make these shill memes that evidence him MIGA instead of MAGA.' We can only assume MIGA is an acronym that exchanges 'America' for 'Israel' in Trump's 'Make America Great Again' slogan. Elsewhere in the thread, the 'Jewish controlled media' are attacked for existence confronting Trump who will 'destroy groping Joe [Biden] in 2020', while some users believe this thread is part of a Jewish-led conspiracy to plow voters against Trump. These comments express fear of the other, in this case Jewish people and Isreal, as well every bit anger at Trump for being too all-around towards Isreal. These emotions are also represented in this meme.

The meme is in the fashion of a earlier and later on sequence. Scholars tell usa an prototype can exist organised from left to right where the left can represent the old while the correct can correspond the new and the possible (Halliday 1994: 277). In this composition, the left is the past, something nosotros already know, while the right is something new. In the left image, we encounter Trump culturally categorised every bit a Crusader. In popular fiction, the red on white cross we see on Trump's shield and breast plate is associated with non only the English flag, but also the Crusades and Saint George, England's 'patron saint'. Though not a symbol of America, this image resonates with Trump's policies towards Muslims, keeping in mind the eight Crusader wars were 'a serial of religious wars between Christians and Muslims started primarily to secure control of holy sites considered sacred past both groups' ('Crusades' 2019). The groundwork, though low in modality, depicts a dry, desert-similar landscape, a large sun and a building with a dome roof. All these lean on stereotypes that suggest Trump is in the Middle Due east and most probably Isreal.

Figure 7. An anti-Semitic far-right meme critical of Trump on 4Chan

On the left, Trump is salient, with his head mashed on to a knight. But his caput is not every bit salient as in previous memes that used lighting, colour, focus and/or size for salience. Here his head is distinguishable, only pocket-sized. The equus caballus and American flag are far more salient, the flag beingness both large and a potent cultural symbol. Like the positive images examined above, Trump is looking to the horizon – a man with a vision. This image connotes positivity, though not as obvious as previous examples. It provokes longing for a time when Trump had a vision as a candidate. His facial expressions, though difficult to distinguish, are stern and serious, similar a crusader, off to make America Slap-up Once again.

The right-hand image has less certainty and positivity and lower modality than the left image. A 'realistic' photo of Trump's caput on the left is replaced with a caricature of Trump. It is biologically categorised based on racist stereotypes. He now has a big nose, squinting eyes and large eyebrows. Some of these qualities are used in Jewish hate literature. He looks untrustworthy connoted by his gaze that no longer looks to the horizon, just off to the side. He is now a flag bearer for Israel non America, indicated past the flag changes. What is connoted here is he at present works in the national interest of State of israel, playing on fears of betrayal by Trump fans. This is nada short of treasonous behaviour for a president. He no longer is a warrior crusader fighting for America and its interests. Instead, he is a traitor, fighting for Israel and Jewish people. Though these criticisms are powerful, they are non specific. There is no articulation of an argument in the meme or in the thread of what Trump has done for or against America and/ or Israel. Though these memes may stir up emotional nationalist and racist feelings in 4Chan users, their lack of direct criticism is stark.

viii. Conclusion

In this newspaper, we have considered how epitome-based memes most Donald Trump'southward ability shared on social media articulate political discourses. Whether pro or anti-Trump, the power represented is non about any real tangible power or actions, merely symbolic and/ or metaphoric. We detect memes lean on emotional discourses nigh nationalism, racism and authoritarianism. Criticism and praise is non communicated through logical, conspicuously articulated, tangible arguments only affectively and emotionally. 4Chan users are presented with memes that manipulate images and lexica (sometimes) to communicate to us affectively, drawing on feelings and stereotypes that connote other-worldly strength and ability. These lean on discourses of authoritarianism, discourses shut to many 4Chan audience members.

Though these lean on emotion and impact, memes like these are important. They are pervasive, pop and effective. Many memes originate from the alt-right and seep into mainstream social media platforms such every bit Twitter, Facebook and YouTube. Hither, they are viewed, considered, commented upon and shared by millions, social media being a primary source of entertainment and information for many of us. These activities get audiences to consider politicians and their deportment. For example, the Israel meme analysed above suggests that Trump said one thing equally a candidate simply acted differently as a president. This message has the potential to stir anger in users and be part of a decision making procedure on how to vote. However, nosotros should not over-stress their importance in terms of democratic ethics. Dissimilar mainstream media, these offer little room for their viewers to analyse and question issues, events and people, confirming rather than challenging already-held behavior. Their affective, comical and simplified nature do not invite u.s. to consider a range of views on pertinent issues in lodge for us to make informed political decisions. Instead, memes are a function of 'scroll civilisation' that metaphorically shouts emotionally-laden viewpoints at u.s.. This does piddling in terms of creating an informed public as envisioned past Habermas (1991), thereby adding a further blow to an essential component of a good for you functioning republic.

About the authors

Lyndon C.S. Style

University of Liverpool

Writer for correspondence.
Email: lyndon.mode@liverpool.ac.united kingdom of great britain and northern ireland
ORCID iD: 0000-0002-0481-4891

communications and media lecturer at the University of Liverpool. His area of enquiry is analysing relations between (digital) popular culture and politics through the lens of multimodal critical discourse studies. He has co-/edited a number of publications on music and digital popular civilization as multimodal political discourse, written a monograph on Turkish music and politics (Bloomsbury 2018) and some other entitled Analysing Politics and Protest in DigitalPopular Civilisation (Sage 2021).

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Source: https://journals.rudn.ru/linguistics/article/view/27484/en_US